Writing
The Lives of the English Poor 1750s – 1830s
Steven
King
McGill-Queen’s
University Press. 2019.
978-0-7735-5649-2 (pbk)
King is Professor of Economic and Social History
at Leicester University. The foundation work for the book was his doctorate in
1989, when he found a set of pauper letters for the area around Calverley in
West Yorkshire. Using almost 26,000 pauper and advocates letters and the
correspondence of overseers in 48 counties, he shows how the poor claimed,
extended and defended their parochial allowances.
Under the Poor Law introduced from 1597, applicants
had the right of appeal to the magistrates or the Quarter Sessions. The Settlement
Acts reduced the ability of the poor to seek support in areas that were more
generous. The system remained largely discretionary, was ‘an essentially local
system in which the looseness and ambiguity of the law created an absolute
necessity for negotiation.’ (p. 4)
Claimants’ letters show that ‘Poor people knew the
stipulations of the Old Poor Law, contested and disputed refusals to engage in
negotiation, wrote in sustained fashion to develop their case and shape the
support attached to it, and pulled every lever they could to gain and maintain
relief.’ (p. 11)
However, under the new Poor Law from the 1830s the use of local negotiation faded, replaced by writing to the central authorities. The 1834 Poor Law generated a massive poor law union correspondence held at the TNA in record series MH12 and brought to public notice by the Living the Poor Life Project (2008-10) headed by Paul Carter, which continues the story beyond the dates set by Professor King.
‘The New
Poor Law inherited a body of the poor with agency and the expectation of
agency, with rights and the expectation of rights, with very considerable
experience of shaping the system to which they were subject. This situation,
above all, explains why its ideals were so quickly diluted in the 1840s. When
those ideals were revived under the crusade against outdoor relief in the 1870s
and 1880s, the deeply ingrained tradition of advocacy for the poor was also
revived, and this last great experiment in poor law policy collapsed. Negotiation
and malleability were, and were meant to be the central planks of poor law
policy right up to the 1920s’ (p. 353).
The pace of letter writing increasing in the 1810s, which King links to growing migration, urbanisation, and industrial and agricultural change. Most letters were in an oral rather than a grammatical style. His work confirms the view that the ‘labouring poor were probably much more literate than has often been supposed or researched’ (p. 56) In support of this he cites Lyons, ‘Writing Upwards: How the Weak Wrote to the Powerful’
Very few sources are cited from the North East. For Northumberland King draws from the three of EP series of records at Northumberland Record Office: Ancroft St Anne overseers’ correspondence, Tynemouth select vestry minutes 1827-33, and Tweedmouth overseers’ correspondence. None are cited from the same series at Durham, County Record Office where there is surprisingly little relevant material.
Among the examples from the area, the Durham
overseer wrote on behalf of the widowed Catherine Thompson to
Berwick-upon-Tweed in May 1830 noting ‘that she was ‘unable to maintain herself
at her advanced age (70) and her son who is with her from the poor wages which
are made here is scarcely able to Maintain himself.’
James Rutherford in Livenhope wrote (dated not
given) to Ancroft St Anne on behalf of Margaret nelson aged 84/5, who was
‘unable to Rise out of Bed or do the least Thing herself.’ He said that ‘you
Cannot Expect her to be supported’ by a
‘Daughter having the Bondage to uphold’ (p. 286)
John Pratt Sr wrote from Durham to Tweedmouth (date not given) ‘you will forgive my freedom in troubling you at this time – believe me its from real necessity - My helplessness and many infirmities increasing daily – and I am a greater burden to those I stay with – and they being much in the same circumstances Oblidges me too solicit your favours for a small addition to my Mite. In doing so you will much oblidge Your Humble Petitioner’ (p. 177).
There is clearly scope for a project to examine
the lives of the poor in the Northumberland and Durham EP records, as they and
their advocates presented their cases, and the responses to their
representations. Hopefully it will shed light on the political dynamics of the
different parishes, and on whether there were differences in negotiating the
system in the agricultural, industrial and fishing communities. As well as the
extent of literacy.
One area that King does not explore
is the effect of the Enclosure Acts on poverty levels on Poor Law provision.
The other areas for research are the degree to which the growth of literacy is
reflected and the relationship between the poor and the radicals.
1 Journal of Social History 48(2). 2015
This review is published in North East Labour History 2020, published by the North East Labour History Society. Thanks to NELH for its permission for me to publish it here. https://nelh.net
Sections of the draft review not published because of lack of space in the Journal
The book is a detailed analysis of the letters of
the poor and of those who acted as advocates for them including the writing
process, the response of the officials, success and failure, the nature of the
language used, the use of rhetoric, the citing of custom and practice and
rights, appeals to humanitarianism and friendship, the stress on writers
honesty, sobriety, hard-working, self-reliance and dignity. A chapter examines
life-cycle and gender. The ‘urgency and (often) raw emotion generated by the
intensity of life-cycle conditions provided opportunities to obscure, shape,
claim, and reshape the offered and perceived self.’ (p. 308)
Those who paid and administered the poor rate were
by no means in agreement. Ratepayers ‘simply held very different, often
entrenched, beliefs on their individual and collective philanthropic duty, the nature and force of custom, their
role as men and fathers, and the humanitarian or Christian imperative that had
always driven the relationship between
parish residents, migrants, and those with resources.’ (p. 6) There was plenty
of room for disagreement and dispute – ‘fractured power’. (p. 7)
The overseers accounts books cannot be relied upon as they were subject to a range of errors, and simply record the outcome of the processing of claims. Vestry books show aspects of the processes behind the decisions, including appeals from claimants and periodic orders from magistrates.
King notes that ‘there is almost no evidence that
writers borrowed from the political pamphlets and radical texts that were
circulating at the time. This is perhaps surprising given the deep involvement
of poor people in radical movements between Chartism and in wider epistolary
acts of resistance.’ There ‘is no evidence at all of class-based analysis of
the position of the poor. This may
reflect a deliberate choice between ‘acceptable bounds of contestation’ in writing
to parish officers, or ‘a disconnect’ between radical analysis and the way
ordinary people thought about the national remediation of their poverty.’ What King does not analyse, because it is not
within his remit, is the evidence in the parish records and radical newspapers
of group lobbying over the Old Poor Law.
Letters from advocates included one on behalf of
Widow Marshall writing to Kirk Andrew in March 1813 suggesting that ‘her
settlement parish might send relief because its officials ‘should suppose she
would cost you less here among her friends than you could support her for.’’
(p. 253)
In June 1826 Joseph Thompson wrote from Lanchester
to Greystoke in Westmoreland to recount the story of William Miller, a
travelling broom maker. Having pitched camp on the public road, the family set
a fire, and upon their ‘leaving it for a few moment with 3 children,’ the fire
spread, destroying their camp and burning ‘ to a cinder’ a one-year old son.
Thompson concluded that the family were ‘greatly necessitated’ and that their
presumed settlement parish ought to act immediately for these ‘poor miserable
persons’. (p. 139)
An advocate wrote in December 1830 on behalf of
the wife of Robert Mole of Northam who was ‘very frail and appears like a
shadow’. (p. 288)
Two claimants cited as writing were elderly.
John Pratt wrote to Tweedmouth (1790s?) because of
‘My helplessness and many Infirmities increasing daily’. (p. 288)
78 year old John Nash corresponded from Potovers
between September 1833 and February 1834 about his low level of financial
support and the need to be housed until he died. (p. 220)
King’s final sentence of his Preface shows the
relevance to today. ‘For a council estate boy the sense that the rules of the
state were not, and were not meant to be, fixed and immovable but negotiated
and negotiable is heartening.’ For those of us who came into community action
through welfare rights in the 1970s, there was much room for negotiation, which
has been considerably eroded especially in the last decade. That does not mean
that the levels of assistance that could be improved through negotiation were
generous. What the welfare rights movement achieved, including through those
working for local authorities in the last decades of the 20thC was ensuring
that claimants received higher levels of money than if there had not been that
negotiating flexibility.
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